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arable from a repudiation of mythological forms of knowledge, he also pits himself against the revivalists, who were making a similar claim. The two-handed logic persists in Joyce s treatment of other themes. Take race: on the one hand, the lecture rightly argues that the Irish are a chronically impure race. Irishness is an immense woven fabric in which very different elements are mixed (cw, p. 118). Yet, by the end of the very paragraph in which this argument appears, Joyce is writing of the present race in Ireland and 85 describing it as belonging to the Celtic family. He equates Irish and Celts throughout the essay, and discusses the Irish problem as part of the larger predicament of British Celts. He even goes so far as to assert that, whilst the Irish may be a composite people, it is this in itself that constitutes them as a new Celtic race (cw, p. 114). If Irish blood is always mixed, why say, as Joyce does, that most of the heroes of the modern Irish movement had no Irish blood in them? Once again, he is walking a precarious tightrope. He wants to insist on the distinctiveness of Ireland and the significance of its history. But he also wants to set them at a distance, to put both in propor- tion. For he knows how unmodern this insistence is. But if the lecture teeters on the edge of paradox, it does so for very good reason. The twilight of colonial rule leaves the writer in a practically impossible situation. He must promote the cause of his own and his nation s future independence. The difficulty lies in knowing how best to think about the national history. It draws the writer into identification, as a history of oppression and suffering that demands respect. It also repels him, because it is a history of failure and subservience. As a history of dependence, it must be surmounted, left behind; yet a conception of freedom that pays no serious and lasting tribute to those who worked, struggled, suffered and died en route to it is a dangerously trivial one. The writer, then, must simultaneously claim and disown the past. He must identify with historical passions and urgencies and remain faithful to historical tragedy, not least because from them derives the struggle for independence itself. Yet he must also point beyond them, because he knows that healthy independence means separa- tion from history, and even a degree of historical oblivion. Thus Ireland, Island of Saints and Sages says two quite different things about English rule and the English-Irish relation. At one point, Joyce refers to a man tied to a carriage and having his insides whipped out by British troops. In the lecture, at least, this comes quite close to being Joyce s symbol for the English treatment of the 86 Irish. The English in Ireland have been wantonly brutal, cunning and venal oppressors. Joyce says that repeatedly, and quite baldly. His closeness to Fenian and nationalist tradition made him al- together aware, both of how ruthless an invader England could be, and how unusually good it was at concealing the fact, even from itself. But on the other hand, he is extremely tough-minded. He refuses to opt for Fenian and nationalist outrage. There are no stir- ring or heart-rending denunciations of the vile injustice of the colo- nizer. Joyce the modern intellectual and writer defies colonial history by rising superior to it and shrugging it off, whilst everywhere showing that a massive effort is required to do so. It is naïve to rail against the ferocity of a colonial power, he asserts, since ferocity is the name of the colonial game. Indeed, putting up a moral protest even colludes with the colonizer s myth of himself, the idea that there are moral principles at stake in colonial activity. There can be no debate about the morality of Empire. Empires, by definition, are monstrous and unprincipled. This is as true of the Roman Catholic as it is of the British one. The Irish, however, are unhelpfully ambiva- lent about imperial rule. They fulminate against the English. But the tyranny of Rome still holds the dwelling place of the soul (cw, p. 125), and peremptorily throttles any true will to liberty. The conduct of the colonial overlord, then, is not what matters most. What matters is the possible resurgence of Ireland as a self-assertively modern nation (cw, p. 125). The self-assertion in question is spiritual, economic, cultural, material and practical together. Certainly, it means vigorously resisting the two imperial
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Dobre pomysły nie mają przeszłości, mają tylko przyszłość. Robert Mallet De minimis - o najmniejszych rzeczach. Dobroć jest ważniejsza niż mądrość, a uznanie tej prawdy to pierwszy krok do mądrości. Theodore Isaac Rubin Dobro to tylko to, co szlachetne, zło to tylko to, co haniebne. Dla człowieka nie tylko świat otaczający jest zagadką; jest on nią sam dla siebie. I z obu tajemnic bardziej dręczącą wydaje się ta druga. Antoni Kępiński (1918-1972)
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